For their part, churches try to frame policy domains they consider important as moral issues—not merely as matters of doctrinal significance, but as crucial underpinnings of national moral character. Religious Influence in Society. Groups with very strong social identities, religious or otherwise, tend to resist the dilution of these identities, which they view as a threat to the status quo (Bloom, Arikan, & Courtemanche, 2015). Yet the public resurgence of religion took place in places such as Poland, the United States, Brazil, Nicaragua, and Iran, all places which can hardly be characterized as secularized wastelands” (Casanova, 1994, pp. sitting closer to an ostensibly occupied chair, affiliation with others in a virtual game). If coexistence and borrowing implies a one-way relationship between religion and nationalism, as one buttresses or provides resources for the other, reinforcement consists of a mutual reification and buttressing. “Opinie o działalności Kościoła,” Komunikat z Badań, Warsaw, March 2007. Religious nationalism, or the fusion of national and religious identity, provides one answer: it can both underpin policy influence and keep religious monopolies vibrant. The next sections explore the impact of religious nationalism on religious practice, public policy, and violent intra- and interstate conflict. Other scholars argue that confessionalization, or the Protestant Reformation, was a critical factor in the rise of religious nationalism (Baron, 19, p. 124; Schilling, 1995; Tomka, 1995). Some religions, such as Hinduism, Judaism, and Islam, all provide visions not only for society, but for a state, and imagine “political communities whose physical survival, territorial control, and material prosperity are all contingent upon their obedience to the revealed laws of God” (Friedland, 2001, pp. The relationship between religiosity and religious nationalism. A third approach focuses on the ways in which nationalism and religion can reinforce each other. First, despite the enormous theoretical contributions of this literature, we have a ways to go empirically. In another line of my research, I am interested in the study of religion as a powerful source of influence. Rather than secular nationalism simply replacing religious identities and allegiances, religious and national identities coexist and even reinforce each other. This adversarial state can be a secular authoritarian regime, a foreign colonial power (Jaffrelot, 2007; see also van der Veer, 1994), as in India, or a local hegemon exercising near-colonial rule, as in Ireland. In what Anthony Smith (2008) termed “convenantal nationalisms,” religious narratives and symbols justified and infused nationalist projects, whether Calvinist discipline, the notion of a “chosen people,” or the Old Testament as a template for a polity, in its fusion of people, land, and religion (Gorski 2003; Grosby, 2002; Hastings, 1997; O’Brien, 1994). Symbolism and iconography is used by all the world’s religions. If religious nationalism buttresses religiosity, it is also associated with a bundle of other political attitudes. Importantly in these studies, participants were not aware of the priming (unconscious activation of religious or neutral concepts) and the measures of submission and conformity were behavioral, not self-report. So what is religious nationalism and what are its origins? Beyond mere compliance to authoritative figures: Religious priming increases conformity to informational influence among submissive people. The model is not as philosophically sophisticated as some of its successors, such as Stenmark’s (2004). This is not to say the substitution need be complete. Van Cappellen, P., Corneille, O., Cols, S., & Saroglou, V. (2011). Similarly, the substitutive relationship between nation and religion does not simply mean that the direction of displacement inevitably runs from religious to secular nationalism. For others, religion was mentioned only in passing, as one of the features of traditional society being swept away in the modernizing nationalist moment (Anderson, 1991; Gellner, 1983; Hobsbawm, 1990; Kedourie, 1993). In one line of research, I test whether religion-related prejudice translates into actual antisocial behaviors. On one end of the spectrum, many scholars view religion and nation as substitutes, and the concept of “religious nationalism,” as an oxymoron (see Lawrence, 1998, p. 16).

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